Participation in political life of Tajikistan in any form is punished cruelly

As the world practice shows, without ensuring the equal participation of citizens and their unification in the political and public life of the country, there can be neither true democracy, nor the harmonious and all-round development of the individual and civil society.

One way of carrying out the participation of citizens and their associations in political and public life, in our view is political participation, i.e. actions of the citizen with the purpose to influence the adoption and implementation of public decisions, the selection of their representatives to representative bodies of state power.
Political participation is characterized by the involvement of members of a particular society in the political process.

The level of citizens’ participation is determined by the political rights and freedoms enshrined in the country’s Constitution and other laws. Participation can be organized in such forms as the unification of citizens into political parties, public associations whose goals and objectives are determined by their programs, charters and other internal provisions. The political participation of citizens in the management of the state under democratic rule is expressed in the following:
1) the right to elect and be elected to representative bodies of state power, directly and through representatives;
2) the right to unite in public organizations, including political parties;
3) the right to hold rallies, demonstrations, processions and pickets;
4) the right to access to objective and impartial information through free media;
5) the right to apply to state bodies, etc.

Naturally, the exercise of rights has its limits and is governed by laws and other normative acts. So the right to gather for rallies and demonstrations is accompanied by the indication that they must be held peacefully, without the use of violence, after preliminary notification of the authorities indicating the responsible person or organization.

The right to unite in political parties and public associations is limited by the ban on the organization and activities of political parties aimed at violent change of the foundations of the constitutional order, inciting social, racial, ethnic, religious discord, etc.
The established regulatory restrictions, requirements and prohibitions are introduced in the interests of the security of the individual, society and the state, the protection of morals and public order, which are defined in art. 14 of the Constitution of the Republic of Tajikistan.

Political participation is mediated (representative) and direct (direct). Mediated participation is through elected representatives. Direct participation is the citizen’s influence on power without intermediaries. It manifests itself in the following forms:
— the reaction of citizens (positive or negative) to the impulses emanating from political power;
— periodic participation in actions related to the election of representatives, with the transfer of authority for decision-making;
— participation of citizens in the activities of political parties, socio-political organizations and movements;
— influence on political processes through appeals and letters, meetings with politicians;
— direct actions of citizens (participation in rallies, pickets, etc.);
— the activities of certain influential political leaders.

The designated forms of political activity can be mass, group and individual. That is why, an ordinary citizen who wants to influence politics usually joins a group, party or movement whose political positions coincide or are close to his own. A member of the party, for example, showing activity in the affairs of his organization and election campaigns, has a permanent and most effective impact on the authorities. Now, in addition to the Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan (IRPT), seven more parties in Tajikistan, five pro-government parties headed by the People’s Democratic Party of Tajikistan (PDPT): Tajikistan’s agrarian party (APT), the Democratic Party of Tajikistan (DPT), the Tajik Economic Reform Party), the Socialist Party of Tajikistan (SPT), one adherent to the pro-government — the Communist Party of Tajikistan (CPT), one opposition — the Social Democratic Party of Tajikistan (SDPT).

Often, citizens, groups or collectives, outraged by the injustice of the state decision, are in need of revision. They handle petitions, letters and statements to relevant authorities, radio and television, newspapers and magazines. The problem acquires a public resonance and forces the government, as already noted, to change or adjust its decision.

Equally effective are mass actions, rallies and protests. Political scientists call these forms protest, because they are a negative reaction of people to the situation in the society. In Tajikistan, this way of citizens’ participation in political and public life cannot be realized. For example, some time ago, Tajiks tried to organize a rally in Gissar, Dushanbe, Vahdat, Farkhar and other cities of the country with the participation of various groups of the population, against social injustice, opaque elections, corruption, late payment of salaries, deterioration of working conditions or growing unemployment. However, such rallies for people resulted in serious consequences, such as huge amounts of fines, arrests and imprisonment with accusations of inciting hatred, extremist and terrorist activities.

The most developed and extremely important form of political participation of citizens in the political life of the country are elections that can be democratic or formal for the sake of legalization of their power, usually not a very large group of people, in the case of Tajikistan that came to power with the use of brute force.

No one disputes that this is a necessary minimum of political activity guaranteed by the constitutions, that within the framework of the institution of elections every full citizen performs his individual action, voting for any party, any candidate or political leader, or does not vote or vote against all. By joining your voice to the voices of other voters who made the same choice, it directly affects the composition of the representatives of the people, and therefore the political course. Therefore, participation in elections is a responsible business. But in Tajikistan there is not this guaranteed minimum, elections are held under the full control of the state power, the Central Election Commission and local election commissions are formed by representatives of one party — the PDPT, and on the part of its chairman, deputies are approved in advance, voting and counting of votes is formal.

Twenty years ago, political scientists warned that in the course of elections one cannot yield to different impressions and emotions, because the danger of getting under the influence of populism is great. Populism (from the Latin populus — people) is an activity whose aim is to ensure popularity among the masses at the cost of unreasonable promises, demagogic slogans, appeals to the simplicity and clarity of the proposed measures. Pre-election promises require a critical attitude to themselves. But Tajikistan has already passed all these stages. The current power came to power and is based on populism, first of all, the populism of the first person in the country, and today populism has become the main obstacle to the development of Tajikistan.

Elections are closely adjoined by referendums — voting on legislative or other issues. Thus, at the national referendum the Constitution of the Republic of Tajikistan of November 6, 1994 was adopted. All changes and additions made to this Constitution in 1999, 2003 and 2016 consolidated authoritarian power in the country, limited any forms of ensuring the exercise of the rights to equal participation of citizens in the political and public life of Tajikistan, making the current president of the country permanent monarch, and his family in the ruling dynasty.

Political participation can be permanent (membership in the party), periodic (participation in elections), one-time (appeal to the authorities). Nevertheless, it is always directed, as we found out, to do something (change the situation, elect a new legislative body) or prevent something (worsening social conditions of people).
Unfortunately, in every society some groups of citizens evade participation in politics. Many of them believe that they stand outside political games. In practice, such a position, called absenteeism, strengthens a certain political line and can cause damage to the state. For example, failure to show up for elections can tear them up and thereby paralyze the most important links in the political system. Citizens who boycott elections are sometimes included in political processes, especially in conflict situations, when their interests are affected. But political participation can cause disappointment, because it is far from always effective. Here, much depends on whether political actions are rational or irrational. The first is actions that are conscious and planned, with an understanding of goals and means. The second — the actions, motivated mainly by the emotional state of people (irritation, indifference, etc.), impressions of the events. In this regard, the importance of the normality of political behaviour, example, compliance with political rules and norms. So, even an authorized and organized meeting can have unpredictable consequences if its participants act mainly irrationally and not according to the rules (allow hooligan antics, insult of opponents, outrage over state symbols). Extremely violent, extremist forms of behaviour, of which terrorism is a variety, are extremely dangerous. Whatever goals are stated, the essence and consequences remain unchanged. The essence of intimidation, the consequences are tragic and inhuman.

We emphasize that violence and enmity only breed violence and enmity. An alternative to this is civil co-operation. But this does not necessarily mean that citizens and the public should not do anything. Citizens need to defend their rights and freedoms, and not to agree with everything that power does just to preserve stability. After all, if citizens consider themselves to be a responsible political force, they should not move away from the problems of society. It is necessary to propose an alternative, otherwise, in the absence of an alternative counterweight to power, society can radicalize and this radical part of society can itself start looking for a solution to its problems, and it can find them in such a way that it does not seem to everyone. Such examples in not far history were and are not few.

In modern conditions, new mechanisms of people’s political communication must be formed in the state:
— public control over observance of political norms,
— forecasting the consequences of political actions,
— constructive dialogue of political forces.
This requires a new democratic political culture from the participants in the political process.

Any of the listed political rights and freedoms must have security (legal, organizational, material and financial, etc.) in its implementation, for which the main condition is equal rights and equal opportunities in participation in political and public life. This requires specification of the facts and conditions of implementation.

All the rights given above, through which citizens can exercise their political participation in government by the state, are impossible without the existence of independent courts as an institution of power. Without the independence of the court, neither free elections nor the existence of a free press are possible, and political parties cannot freely express their position, which may not always coincide with the official position of the ruling elite. As the Tajik practice shows, being on the service of the executive, serving the interests of the ruling elite, the judiciary became the link that provided president Rakhmon with unlimited power. In addition to high-profile political cases and unfair, most severe sentences to political opponents, there were many examples of successful lawsuits brought against even the business structures against media representatives, not to mention the claims of the authorities of different levels to journalists, lawyers and human rights activists. And the latter even got together with political prisoners for long terms in prison as accomplices. In addition, during elections and the victory of an alternative candidate in them, an independent court is also needed to protect the last of its win votes. There are many examples of revealed falsifications in the election, which could not be proved precisely because the courts served the interests of the ruling party. The unification of people in political parties and public associations also becomes impossible, as we see what is happening today with the IRPT members and the Social Democrats also state that it is impossible to work legally in the territory of Tajikistan. Many members of these two parties emigrate today from Tajikistan, and those who have the opportunity to renounce membership in these parties pretend that they never belonged to any political party. Thus, today a Tajik citizen has no opportunity to exercise his constitutional right to take part in the administration of the state in any form.

The role of youth in political and public life in Tajikistan.

Beginning in the mid-1990s, more specifically, before and during the work of the Commission for National Reconciliation (CNR) and, in essence, until 2005, researchers actively conducted various surveys and questionnaires on the topic of «political youth activism» with the aim of determine the level of political activity and political participation among young people. This was necessary in order to understand what thoughts, ideas and moods were most popular among young people at the time.

Since 2005, these studies (surveys) have become few, and after 2010, studies have not been carried out, because we have not found a single result of large-scale surveys across the country. It can be assumed that this is a) because of «stability» in the political arena and the presence of the ruling (ruling) political party, such as the PDPT headed by President E. Rahmon in Tajikistan; and b) because of limitations of interest in researchers creating new methods of involving young people in politics, since in Tajikistan the ideology of one party has become dominant; and c) the youth stopped betting in pre-election races (because of their one-sided activity — only the PDPT, because young people supporting other, in particular, opposition parties (SDPT, IRPT), are mostly in labour migration (SDPT), and accordingly it is considered that there is no need to know their moods.

Hundreds of young people after graduating from foreign educational institutions, returning to their homeland by technocrats with the knowledge of modern exact sciences, with knowledge of the latest technologies, without finding a job, leave for labour migration. Every year, tens of thousands of graduates from various Russian educational institutions, without a chance to work, leave for Russia to work.
But frankly speaking, certain processes that artificially or naturally have been woven in the youth community for a long time led to this, since clever young people are uncomfortable with the authorities. The activity of young people is greatly influenced by the legal culture, the level of political self-awareness and upbringing, and they determine the level, frequency and depth of youth participation in the political life of the country. And experience proves that the level of legal culture is directly proportional to the level of civic activity, the ability to carry out feedback from the state, and defend its position in various issues.

During 2013-2017 years. The NGO Tajik Legal Consortium (TJK), the Democracy Foundation and the Center for Social and Economic Education and Development (SESER) conducted a selective survey of young people about the trust in political information they received from various sources (in all regions and regions of the republic), and from the received data it can be concluded that to the information received by the youth from the state radio and television there is little trust (13.1%), from social networks, the media — ambiguously (25.6%), and information received from direct acquaintances and eyewitnesses of those or other (45.7%), that is, the authority of the central radio and television in Tajikistan is shaken up, and in our view, this is possible because of the current news policy of the Tajik television, in which news is transmitted through all channels or in connection with the personality of the president E.Rahmon, or about the events in Ukraine, Syria, etc., and it is constantly said that in the country, i.e. in Tajikistan, everything is fine. That is why, according to the opinion of the youth, in this way, radio and television, conducts a policy of silence about the real political, economic and social situation in the country and the youth is growing a sense of «deception» on the part of television, and therefore not only the rating of television and radio itself, but also the government in general.

For example, we will illustrate the answers to 2 questions (December, 2014, ie before the elections to the parliament of 2015). To the question «Which party will you vote for in the upcoming elections?» The respondents answered (44.5%): why vote, still the votes will be counted in favor of the PDPT deputies. The remaining respondents answered in the following way: they would vote for candidates from the IRPT (33.2%), PDPT (17.6%), SDPT (15.7%), CPT (7.1%), against all — 13.4%, other parties would receive less than 4%.

From the data obtained, we can conclude that in Tajikistan among the youth, three parties (the IRPT, the PDPT and the SDPT) are in the lead, and if the elections were fair and transparent, it would be precisely between them that there would be a struggle for the right to become the dominant party in the country. It is clear that the position of the PDPT at that time was not as strong as the results of the poll show.
To the question «What do you think, what means citizens can influence politics?» Opinions were distributed as follows. The majority of respondents (44.3%) are convinced that citizens cannot influence politics in any way, 16.3% consider that it is possible to influence through activities in political parties and social movements, 11.5% of respondents believe that participation in elections is the best means of influencing politics, and 18.7% of respondents chose as a mechanism the need to find and support a new and talented leader-politician, 5.6% of respondents believe that a popular uprising is the most effective means.

From the data obtained, it can be concluded that participation in parties and social movements in Tajikistan is not considered today, particularly among young people, an effective means of influencing politics, and according to respondents, elections are far from the surest way to influence politics, and in local authorities, the interviewed believe the least. Such results, in our opinion, are possible due to the fact that in Tajikistan, the ruling party for the past 15 years is the PDPT led by the incumbent President E. Rahmon, and young citizens of the country are convinced that by election or otherwise peaceful means today it is impossible to change the political situation in the country. It seems paradoxical, or rather, surprising that almost half of the respondents (44.3 + 5.6%) showed their radical attitude toward politics, saying that it is impossible to influence politics by any means and influence it only with the help of a popular uprising, which is quite alarming.

Thus, summing up the results of the survey, we can conclude that in Tajikistan as a whole, young people are not indifferent to politics, that young people want to participate in politics, are interested in the possibility to change anything in the political arena, but so far, at the moment, does not see real means of influencing politics.

In these conditions, we consider it necessary to emphasize one more point. Each of us heard words like these: «Well, what can I do?», «Try not to try, it will not change anything», and sometimes even «well, I do not care, it’s not my problem». These phrases are regularly heard, more from the lips of the older generation, especially from among the intelligentsia, and the younger generation absorbs and takes it, especially in Tajikistan, where the traditions of respect for the elders are very significant.

At the same time, agreeing with the thesis that «the generation of adults inspires young people that their participation will not change anything,» it should be noted that this is not an alien or extraneous generation of adults, but close relatives. Therefore, the family institution plays the leading role in this process. And inhibition, and activation. After all, it is from a small point that transformations and changes begin, first in a person, then in his environment, society, and then in the city, and finally, the country. The problem of youth participation in politics and its successes, its solutions, lie with adults. But the truth is really simple — if everyone starts taking part in politics, enjoying their constitutional rights, and will not pretend that «my hut is on the edge,» I do not need this (and this is the most «convenient» position in Tajikistan) , the country will radically change, most importantly, civil control will be strengthened, electoral fraud will intensify, and, accordingly, many crimes, especially political ones, will cease to be hushed up. In a word, the people themselves are letting it all down on the «brakes», believing that their participation will not change anything, not realizing that millions of people think this way, thus creating processes that they themselves are talking about. Hence the conclusion that we must first of all change the public consciousness, the people’s view of politics.
Summarizing, I would like to note that the political activity of young people is one of the most important factors in the development of the political system and the development of statehood as a whole. To increase the participation of young people in politics and political processes, it is necessary to introduce a clear and structured system of advocacy to the masses, beginning with the school bench. It is necessary to begin the formation of civil ideology starting from school. As for the older age, it is necessary to change the world view and views of people, by means of real examples of control over politicians and political decisions, inculcating correct political education and conducting honest and, above all, voluntary, various political events based on ideology.

Women’s participation in political processes in Tajikistan.

At present, the participation of women in political processes in Tajikistan is not an issue for individual women, but for the entire women’s movement in the country and without the active mobilization of all women’s resources, the effective promotion of women into the sphere of high politics is impossible.

The dynamics of the last decade of development in Tajikistan and, in particular, the participation of women in the last election showed the instability of the status of women in government. Statistics show that there are not enough women in the government. The least number of women falls on the highest authorities. The drop in the number of women in government indicates obstacles to women’s accession to power. Patriarchal models, values and stereotypes significantly block the way to politics for women. Legal norms do not promote the achievement of gender equality in politics. No Tajik law provides for gender equality in the Parliament, the government and other higher authorities of the country. Promotion to the authorities is traditionally carried out through specialized institutions, such as political parties. Political parties in Tajikistan practically do not promote women. The lack of specialized institutions and mechanisms for the advancement of women to government in the situation of a declining level of women’s participation in political processes is also an obstacle for women.

Insufficient support from women’s organizations also plays a significant role in reducing women’s political opportunities.

It is of fundamental importance that women themselves and their organizations participate in the promotion of women in politics. It is women who can and should become the catalyst of gender equality in the field of politics.

The experience of Tajikistan confirms the international lesson that only political will is not enough to achieve gender equality. In Tajikistan, the target orientation is lacking. The state program for the promotion of women in the government, the introduction of temporary special measures to eliminate discrimination against women in political and public life, increasing the participation of women in political processes are ineffective without government funding. The actual lack of women in decision-making bodies speaks of a serious problem with regard to the state to gender equality and the lack of real equality of opportunity.

Over the last period, the process of reforming the legislation was underway in Tajikistan. The reform of the legislation, however, speaking of the political will of the state, was not consistent, the necessary measures were not applied at all or were partially applied.
It is essential that the state has a coherent program and an effective mechanism for implementing and monitoring the participation of women in politics, increasing their role in politics, and involving women in decision-making bodies as managers; it is necessary to allocate funds from the state budget for these purposes in order to overcome the conservative and patriarchal attitude to the effectiveness and full and wide participation of women in politics.

The problem of gender equalization of political representation should and can be among the state priorities. Methods of positive discrimination, quotas, positive actions aimed at increasing the proportion of women in government and administration can be used to designate guidelines for public policies aimed at achieving gender equality. Ensuring equal opportunities for women in political life should not only be declared, but also supported by changes in the economic situation of women and an active state policy to correct accumulated discrimination.

The power structures of Tajikistan, the elite, political parties and public organizations declare that modern Tajik society will acquire a stable character when all citizens-men and women-actively participate in the life of their country. However, gender differences in the political life of Tajik society are manifested in all indicators of political participation and representation: in the gap between women and men in terms of representation in the leadership of political parties, legislative and executive authorities at all levels.
Our analysis shows why today in Tajikistan there is an extremely miserable situation with women’s rights, and especially with the right to political participation, and this became possible in a country that declared itself to be a democratic society, whose core is the concept of human rights. The life experience of Tajik people was acquired mainly in the era of the socialist political system, which gave birth to a totalitarian-paternalistic way of constructing human rights. To protect these rights is necessary in other political and economic conditions, when the Tajik state proclaimed the sovereignty of the individual and at the same time demonstrates its inability to guarantee citizens even an elementary level of survival.

The transformation of the socio-political system contributes to the implementation of a specific social order in the face of a developing social movement and the principles of partnership between men and women in politics, which are the source of a more complete and representative democracy. In Tajikistan, on the one hand, a number of factors cause the complex gender disharmony of the Tajik democratic reorganization due to the lack of political will and a real national mechanism for advancing the interests of women. On the other hand, while welcoming the emergence of democratic values, many women’s public associations of various types are emerging that are energetically trying to ensure not formal but real equality.

We believe that until now the problem of equal opportunities for women and men is not a priority for the political elite of the Tajik state. If we do not change the situation in this sphere, then Tajikistan can remain a country where the administration is under the almost undivided control of one social group — the male. The gender imbalance in present-day Tajikistan, as the world and national experience shows, hinders the sustainable development and stability of society and contributes to wasteful use of human and natural resources.

The institutional content of women’s political rights, in turn, in no small degree predetermines the level of democracy in the political system, acting as a basic component of its internal content. By the end of the 1990s, the right to participate in politics was devalued, at least in comparison with the period of the beginning of perestroika.

An independent women’s movement appears as an additional institutional resource for women, although not very influential for influencing policy-making. Nevertheless, it was the women’s movement that was practically the only opportunity for women leaders to expand the social, psychological, political base of support for their policies.

The active participation of women in the political life of society is influenced by the patriarchal traditions of the Tajik political culture, characterized by long-standing and profound alienation from power through gender-specific and specifically political socialization, as well as prejudices and stereotypes prevalent in the society. However, in today’s Tajikistan, political trends and attitudes have emerged in political participation and representation of women, reflecting the increasing political activity of an increasing number of women and the variety of forms of their political mobilization.

First, it becomes a fact, albeit weak, that the qualitative characteristics of political participation and representation of women have changed — they have acquired a social experience of influencing political life, gaining power, increasing self-esteem and understanding the gender aspect of the policy.

Secondly, it is clear that only the participation of women in politics will really raise the bar of women’s participation in general. In politics, a role model of the female leader appeared, which offered a new vision of politics, communication style and leadership style.

Thirdly, politics certainly needs a woman’s vision, a woman’s approach, and women need to express their interests in politics.

On the primary means of solving the problem of achieving gender equality in the political sphere:
• Formation of political will
The manifestation of political will (or its essence) is that the state itself must make gender equality one of its main priorities. If it is a question of any form of official commitment, then this is not enough. Governments should make a «statement of intent» that clearly states their desire to integrate equality between women and men into the full range of policy projects and programs, and defined as the goal the ability to genuinely promote the establishment and strengthening of gender equality. Political will should also be understood as the desire to study and rethink the problems of interrelations between the sexes, as well as those structures and political programs that reproduce and generate some form of inequality.

• Forming the appropriate organization of the decision-making process using an integrated approach
An integrated approach is to organize (reorganize), improve, improve and evaluate the decision-making processes of persons primarily involved in policy implementation, so that they incorporate equality between women and men in all areas of the political system. An integrated approach to the problem of gender equality may also mean that the decision-making process should be organized in such a way that policy makers know how to integrate gender equality in politics and that this knowledge becomes a normal qualification of the responsible persons who receive solutions. An integrated approach raises the question of reviewing the male «polarization» of society and the structural nature of gender inequality. This definition raises also the problem of the fact that gender equality must go beyond the competence of only specialized groups and requires wider participation in the formation of a more balanced society. This, then, is a comprehensive formulation aimed at accelerating and strengthening egalitarian processes in society.

• Improving democratic representativeness
Insufficient representation, complete non-participation of women in decision-making processes at all levels and in all areas are the main problem, despite the significant changes noted in this area in this or that country. Strengthening the idea of equal participation of women and men in the political and public spheres of life is favorable for the overall development of society. For this, the most important is that both women and men jointly participate in making all decisions, bringing their personal experience to this work. As soon as the female (or male) component in the body of decision-makers starts to make up 30% (that is, the critical mass), the representatives of this component begin to influence the agenda and the changes become possible. It is also necessary that women become more visible in the life of society, take equal part in those events that were before only men, and that the history of each state recognize this participation.

• Development and strengthening of the principle of gender equality
He assesses the inherent differences between men and women and the different roles they play in society. The principle of equality includes the right to differences, which implies the need to take into account the distinctive characteristics of men and women associated with their belonging to a particular social class, their political views, religion, ethnic group, race or social orientation. The principle of equality makes us think about how we can achieve greater success in changing those social structures that contribute to maintaining and maintaining the unbalanced power relations between women and men and to achieve a better balance between the different values and priorities inherent in each gender. It is about using the knowledge and talents of every citizens and ensuring that women, to the extent that men, participate in the reconstruction of our societies, the resolution of existing problems and the preparation of the future. In order to develop, society needs to use all its resources and all its members, which means full and comprehensive participation of women and men in these processes.

• Institutional reforms related to the process of selection of managers at the political and administrative levels
Politicians play a pivotal role, since their official functions are to determine political priorities and initiate programs. They need to make sure that these actions take due account of the interests of the population as a whole, that programs respond to its needs and that the policies pursued benefit all citizens, women and men. The role of the administration is not only in the implementation of the chosen political course, but also increasingly in the detection and identification of political problems, in the preparation and implementation of action programs. In fact, administrations implement various programs in practice.

• Improvement of national mechanisms
Although they are an integral part of the state administration, their appointment, however, is different from the functions of the administration. They have as their task the discovery of new problems, the formation of new strategies and the collection of information. These mechanisms are the place where analytical research is conducted and the process of political thinking is underway. They play a decisive role in understanding the problems and proclaim the political necessity of gender equality and provide valuable assistance to the main participants in the process.

• Development of cooperation with national institutions
International and national institutions, such as the Council of Europe and the institutions of the European Communities, play an increasingly important role in supporting, stimulating and promoting new ideas. Their supranational character turns them into vital forums for the exchange and dissemination of information among international organizations, member states and individual citizens. These institutions also provide a wide field for reflection, which allows them to take the initiative in developing new strategies, policies, methods and technologies.

• Development and strengthening of the women’s movement, non-governmental organizations and lobby groups in political parties
Women’s associations, trade unions, non-governmental organizations occupy a place at the core of society and therefore are able to discover and clarify the essence of various problems. They can transmit valuable knowledge to policy-makers who make decisions and influence the development of plans and programs of political activity. By carrying out, in addition, observational functions, these organizations can also draw attention to the problems of gender equality wherever and whenever they arise.
Drawing practical conclusions on each of the above-mentioned political rights and freedoms, one must remember to understand one or another political process, it is necessary to find out who exactly acts as its initiator, in whose interests it is carried out, who and how to be able to ensure its consistent development. Since the real process is always influenced by various political forces, it is advisable to prioritize their alignment. In other words, it is necessary to determine which layer, the social group are at the centre of events, dominate them. This will allow us to draw conclusions about the nature and direction of the changes that are taking place.

Viktoriya Nadejdina
Chairman
Human Rights Vision Foundation

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